Susquehanna Company's Indian Purchase – Runs the gauntlet – Keenly assailed – Spiritedly defended – Proceedings in Council – Peter Hendrick's Speech – Letters from Gov. Morris and Richard Peters, Esq. - Purchase of Pennsylvania at Fort Stanwix – Fierce assaults on that Deed, by Connecticut claimants – Close of documentary testimony.

            The Susquehanna Company's purchase, and their Indian Deed, ha snow to run the gauntlet through a long array of intelligent, well disciplined, and eager conversationalists.

            My best efforts have been directed to simplify and arrange.  Thus a general outline of the Indian history has been given by itself, down to 1770, embracing events in which the whites were concerned, so far only as seemed indispensable.

            Then we have set forth a clear general view of the Pennsylvania and Connecticut claims.

            Thirdly, We have taken up, in detail, the Connecticut Claim, First, by Charter, and considered the objections thereto. Keeping separate the consideration of the title by purchase of the Indians, we now proceed to that interesting topic.

            In our opening, we have stated that the Susquehanna Company claim to have purchased of eighteen chief sachems, representing the Six Nations, in open treaty, at the colonial Congress, held at Albany, in July, 1753, the disputed territory on the Susquehanna.

            The purchase awakened the greatest alarm in the Proprietary Government, and steps were immediately taken to counteract the effects of a measure so pernicious, if not fatal, to their interests.  Some facts of unquestionable authenticity, are, at this time, wholly inexplicable.  The Susquehanna Company advanced to their object, not in secret, but openly avowing their purpose.  Indeed, their being eight hundred original proprietors, each of whom must be taxed to raise the requisite funds, all notions of secrecy, even, if ever thought politic, must have been deemed impossible.  The letter of Governor Hamilton, sent by Armstrong, to Gov. Walcott, previously quoted, shows that the government of Pennsylvania was fully apprised of the purpose of the Connecticut people.  Why then was not Treaty of Albany prevented?  If done in full opposition to the wishes of the Six Nations, there assembled in full council, why did not those nations, on the remonstrance of the respectable Pennsylvania Delegation, disavow the Deed, and inflict condign punishment on those Indians, who had presumed to speak and act in the name of the whole Confederacy, and to dispose of one hundred and twenty miles, by seventy, of the territory, embracing nearly five millions of acres?

            In truth the delegates from Pennsylvania were neither faithless nor idle.  The utmost efforts were made to prevent the sale to the Susquehanna Company, and to purchase the lands for the Proprietary Government.  In their report, made the 6^th of August, after their return to Philadelphia, is the following sentence: - “The Commissioners of Pennsylvania, having held a private treaty with the Six Nations, whilst at Albany, for the purchase of lands,” etc.  Their Report was read, and ordered to be entered on the minutes.  Efforts, it appears, sere made July 4^th and 5^th, to induce the chiefs to sell them the Wyoming lands, to which they steadily refused to accede.

            There were two chiefs of the Mohawks by the Dutch name of Hendrick; one of whom signed the Susquehanna Deed; the other, Peter Hendrick, an eloquent sachem, and warrior of great note, being in the Proprietary interest, made the following reply to the urgent application of the Commissioners: - We have heard since we came here that our brother Onas, (Sir Wm. Penn having receive that name on first landing, it meaning, in the Indian language, a quill or pen,)  and our brothers of New England, we have had some dispute about the lands of the Susquehanna, a dispute of the same kind as that of the Governor of Canada and Assaragoah; but we desire you would not differ with one another about it., for neither shall have it.  We will not part with it to either of you – we will reserve it for our western Indians to live on.”

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            From this declaration, placed on record, opposing advocates draw different conclusions.  On behalf of the Proprietaries, it is claimed as evidence that the head chiefs of the Six Nations refused to sell, and could not, therefore, have concurred in Lydius's purchase.

            On the Connecticut side, it is said: - “This was not in open Council, but in secret Treaty.  Peter Hendrick had been won over to Pennsylvania's interest, but went alone.  It does not appear that any other chief concurred with him.  The declaration that they would keep Wyoming for their western Indians, a matter to improbable to be worth a moments consideration, showing that Hendrick  meant nothing, or probably did not know what he meant.

            But at those secret conferences, the Commissioners made a purchase of lands, between the Blue Mountains, and the Forks of the Susquehanna, (at Fort Augusta, Sunbury,) of course below the tract sold to the Connecticut people.

            “Behold,” say Avery, “This purchase made in the dark, is unquestioned, and questionable – good beyond doubt – fair beyond all controversy!  While the openly obtained Deed of the Susquehanna Company is a nullity, forsooth!”

            Sir William Johnson, principal Agent of the king, for Indian affairs, lent the whole weight of his influence to render nugatory the Susquehanna Company's Deed.  A letter from the Governor of Pennsylvania, dated Nov. 15^th, 1754, requested him “to induce the Indians, if possible, to deny the regularity of the contract,” and to this end, by all means, “to win over, effectually, Peter Hendrick to his interest, and prevail on him to visit Philadelphia.”  Gov. Morris wrote, himself, to Hendrick.  The letter is too important to be omitted.

                        “Some matter of great moment to this Government, as well as to the Indians of the Six     Nations, having lately fallen out, which makes it necessary for me to have a private conference      with you, before I can proceed to give public notice of them of my arrival here;  and as you was   so good as to promise to the Commissioners, when at Albany, that you would, at the request of Government, come at any time to Philadelphia and give your sentiments on anything that might be proposed for the public service., I now earnestly desire that you would favour us with a visit, in order to consult on some affairs, in which the safety of the Indians, and His Majesty's             colonies are very much concerned, that cannot be done by message, but must first be       communicated to you in personal conference.  If you should incline to take with you one or two   of your best friends, it will be the more agreeable.  Mr. Daniel Clause is well acquainted with         the nearest and best roads to this city, and he has my directions to accompany you, furnish the       necessaries, and make everything as agreeable to you as possible.”

            “Behold!” says the Connecticut Advocate [not even attempting to mask his sarcasm... ed.]; “A single chief is invited to Philadelphia – Heaven and earth are to [be] moved!  The aid of Sir Wm. Johnson is invoked!  Hendrick is requested to bring one or two of his best friends; not more! - Daniel Clause with furnish the necessaries! He will make everything as agreeable as possible!”

            Sir Wm. Johnson, in his reply to the Governor, says: -

                        “I have been honored with yours of the 15^th ultimo, by Mr. Daniel Clause, whom I            immediately sent to call Hendrick to my house.  Upon his arrival, I delivered and interpreted    your Honour's letter, or instructions to him, and urged his waiting on you immediately, which     when he agreed to, I spoke to him concerning the affair as far as I judged necessary;  and I        flatter myself it will have a good effect, he having faithfully promised me to exert himself, and    use his utmost endeavors for the interest of the Proprietaries against the Connecticut attempt. 

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            After my expatiating some time on the injustice of their proceedings, more especially so, after       what had passed at Albany, last June, Hendrick then, with some warmth, disapproved of them,        as well as the weakness of those of his brethren who were seduced by Lydius, and promised to            do all he could to make them revoke or retract what they had so shamefully done.”

            “Mark!” say the Connecticut advocates, “the means used, and the influences brought to bear, to destroy the effect of a miscalled deed, clandestinely obtained of a few drunken Indians!”

            Measures being adopted in Connecticut, to commence a settlement at Wyoming, Mr. John Armstrong was again sent as an agent to that colony to gather all the information in his power.  He was also the bearer of a letter from Governor Morris to the Governor of Connecticut, in which the former again refers to the deed from the Six Nations to William Penn, and to no one else; after which he proceeds to say: -

                        “You will give me leave further to observe to you, that the Six Nations at the late   Congress at Albany, in open council mentioned an application then made to them by agents      from Connecticut for the purchase of some of the Susquehanna lands, and that they had            absolutely refused to give any ear to such proposal, telling the several governments then       present by their commissioners, that they were determined the lands at a place called Wyoming         on the Susquehanna, should not be settled, but reserved for a place of retreat.”

                        He further observes:

                        “Notwithstanding which, I am informed that Mr. John Lydius, who is known to be a         Roman Catholic, and in the French interest, has been since employed by some people of your      province, to purchase from the Indians some lands within this government: that he has in a      clandestine manner, by every unfair means, prevailed on some few Indians to whom he secretly applied, to sign a deed for a considerable part of the lands of this province, including those at    Wyomink.  And as we stand engaged to the Six Nations by treaty, neither to settle the lands at           Wyomink, or suffer them to be settled, this government thought it proper (among other things)      to inform the Indians that those people were not authorized or even countenanced by this     government, and their attempts were disavowed by the government of Connecticut, and were to   be looked upon as a lawless set of people, for whose conduct no government is accountable.”

            On the return of Mr. Armstrong, he communicated the information obtained, and among other things curious, and worthy to be known, which we have found nowhere else so fully stated – That “there were formerly five hundred subscribers to the Susquehanna Company at seven dollars each, to which are now added three hundred at nine dollars each.”  The aggregate would be 6200 dollars.  The consideration in the Indian deed was stated to be two thousand pounds, New York currency – or five thousand dollars; which, from this exhibition of the funds of the company, seems probably – leaving twelve hundred dollars for contingent expenses.

            Letters from Conrad Weiser, a celebrated Indian interpreter, much employed by the Proprietaries, written to the Governor, dated the 16^th, and 27^th October, 1754, and entered by order of council on the records, are too important to be passed over without notice.  The following are extracts: -

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                        “As to the Connecticut affair, I am clear of opinion, that, by order of the Governor, you    should write to Hendrick, putting him in mind of his promise he made to the commissioners of this province in Albany, when he said he would come down to us upon any occasion, to advise         with the Governor, as in the presence of the Most High.  That the Governor wants to see him in           this critical time of matter of moment.  Daniel Clause might come with him.  He knows the way             by land.  If Hendrick refuses to come, he may be suspected to have a hand in it; and we must    then act by Shickalamy and Jonathan, and as secret as possible, otherwise Lydius, and that             wicked priest at Canajoharie [Rev. Jacob Johnson, see below], will defeat our designs.  I would advise in the mean time, to have belts of wampum provided, and two or three belts all black.     You will want a couple to send to the south before long, and one must be made use of to         demolish Lydius's proceedings.  Mr.   Clause must be ordered to keep everything relating to this     affair as a secret, and to search very diligently whether Henry had any hand in signing the deed        to the Connecticut people.  If he had not, we shall succeed without doubt.  He must have liberty to bring one or more Indians with him.  If he won’t do, and that Hendrick will not come, we must            send to Onondago next spring, &c.”

            According to the invitation so pressingly given, Hendrick and ten other Indians came to Philadelphia.

            “In Council, January 15, 1755.  The council advised the Governor, that after thanking   Hendrick and the Indians accompanying him, for this undertaking, etc., to mention these      several points, viz: to state sundry matters relative to the grant of Pennsylvania, their deed from           Governor Dungan, their deed or promise of the right of pre-emption, 1736, etc., and lastly, of            the deed to the Connecticut people from the Six Nations, that it is incumbent on them to             represent this matter to the government of Connecticut, and to insist that the deed be delivered up    by Lydius, by order of that Government, as a fraud and imposition.”

            “Extract of Hendrick's Speech, January 15, 1755.  We have considered what you said to us      about the deceitful deed which John Lydius inveigled some of us to sign.  We agree with you            that the deed should be destroyed.  We agree with you that it is a false proceeding.  We will give     you our assistance; but you know that we cannot destroy the deed ourselves.  That would be    another mistake.  I would be to do as bad as they have done.  It must be the act of the Council            of the Six Nations.  We will think of the proper means.  We advise the Governor to send for two            deputies from each, or of every nation, to meet here, or at Albany, to kindle a council fire, to             find out a way to oblige Connecticut to discountenance the deed,” etc.

            “In Council, January 17, 1755.  The Governor, Mr. Peters, and Mr. Weiser, had many    conferences with the Indians, in which it was considered, what might be the proper methods for            the Indians to take, in order to invalidate the deed of Lydius, etc.  Among other things, it was         proposed, that at the Council of Onondago, this affair should be mentioned, and Lydius's deed          declared to be no deed of the Six Nations; and that to prevent this, and other like attempts, that   it should be proposed by the Council of Onondago, to convey to the Proprietaries, by a formal             deed, the lands lying within the province of Pennsylvania, etc.  The Indians consented to this,       and engaged to confer with Col. Johnson first, and to settle everything with him, of which he should acquaint the Governor; and when the matter should be brought to effect, then Mr.          Weiser and Mr. Peters might come to Col. Johnson,” etc.

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            Extract of a letter from Gov. Morris to Col. Johnson, dated Philadelphia, January 22, 1755.

                        “Sir, - I am favored with yours by Hendrick, and heartily thank you for the part you         have been so good as to take in the Connecticut affair.  Hendrick has been very explicit on the   subject; and I have entertained him and his companions in the best manner I could.  You will    give me leave to refer to you in a letter you will receive with this, from Mr. Peters, for the       Particulars that have passed here, and for the plan that we have agreed to prosecute, to put an    end to this affair; in which I hope for the continuance of your friendly offices.  You will observe,             we propose that the Six Nations should be invited to send deputies to your house early in the        spring, with full powers to treat and agree upon this matter, relative to the purchase of Lydius, and to prevent the like for the future, when I shall send commissioners to meet them, and it will   give me particular pleasure, if you will permit me to name you in the commission.”

            Extract of a letter from Richard Peters to Col. Johnson, dated January 23, 1755

                        “He (speaking of Hendrick) told me you had made him a hearty friend to this Province,   and would join with and support him in any measures, which the government of Pennsylvania           should advise, to get rid of this Connecticut Deed. - I heartily thank you for this singular          kindness.  In consideration of this hearty concurrence of yours and the Mohock, his Honour, the        Governor, gave Hendrick a belt, with a string of wampum tied to it.  By the belt he was asked to            undertake, along with you, the breaking of the Connecticut Deed.  And for that purpose, and because there is no other way in the world to get rid of it, he was further desired to consider             with you, what will be the best method to procure the meeting of a Council at your house, as        soon as possible, to consist of two or three Deputies from each nation, and no more, in order to    consult together of the most effectual manner how to do it.  And by the string you are desired to            convene such a Council.

                        “We further intimated to Hendrick, and now inform you, that to get rid of the Deed, we    cannot devise any other method that will be effectual, unless the Six Nations in Council, will       execute a conveyance to the Proprietaries, of all the lands lying within their grant, on such        conditions, and in such manner, as shall be agreed on, at your house.  And to show the Indians,             and yourself their just intentions, they propose to name you one of the Commissioners, with Mr. Penn and myself.

                        “Hendrick seems to approve much of this proposal; and I believe the more you think of    the matter, the more you will be persuaded that no other way can do the thing effectually.  If it     meets with your approbation, which I hope it will do, the Governor begs the favour of you to      summon a Council, at your house, and leave it to you to fix the time, and take such measures with the Indians previous to the meeting, as you and Hendrick think proper.  It is thought that     more than three deputies need not come from any one nation; but that there should be three         from each.”

            The purpose so sedulously pursued was not finally accomplished until Nov. 5^th, 1768, when at a treaty held at Fort Stanwix, the Proprietaries obtained a deed from the Six Nations, of the Susquehanna lands, being the same previously claimed to have been conveyed to the Susquehanna Company.

            [Editor's Note: Fort Stanwix was built on the present site of Rome, New York in 1758 and was already little used and dilapidated by the time of the Treaty. It has long since been restored as a National Monument]

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            Pennsylvania was no longer in pursuit.  She had carried off the prize.  Victory perched on her standard: And forthwith all concerned in the Connecticut claim, opened  in full cry to run down the Indian Deed of Fort Stanwix.  “That wicked Priest of Canajoharie,” as he is termed by Mr. Weiser, the Rev. Jacob Johnson, appears first upon the tapis, and makes the following affidavit: -

“...That sometime in the month of November, 1768 ,  he was present at a Treaty, held at   Fort Stanwix, with the Indians of the Six Nations, and that Sir William Johnson, Superintendent of the Six Nations, John Penn, Governor of Pennsylvania, Gov. Franklin, of New Jersey, Col.       Elizer Fitch, of Windham, and the chiefs of the Six Nations, Seguanathua, a Tuscarora chief,     and chief speaker, and many other persons were present – that the business of the treaty was to   settle a division line between the claims of the King and the Indians, and to distribute a             donation sent by the King, as Sir William Johnson informed the deponent, by letter and express   – that this deponent was at that time a missionary to the Indians of the Six Nations, and resided        at the Oneida Upper Castle – that Gov. John Penn, at this time, by the agency of Sir William     Johnson, endeavored to obtain from the Indians a deed of the lands on the Susquehanna – that             several private consultations were had with the said chiefs, from which this deponent was        excluded, and that there was no agent present at said treaty, to represent the State of             Connecticut or the Susquehanna Company.  That this deponent, during the treaty, was informed by several of the Indians present, that Gov. Penn wanted the Indians present to give him a deed            of the lands on the Susquehanna, and they replied that they had given the New England white            people, a deed of the same lands, and had received their pay for the same, and could not sell the same again.  But they said they had agreed to give Gov. Penn, a deed of the same land, because Sir William Johnson had told them that their former conveyance to the New England white people was unlawful – that they had no right to purchase that land, which was within         Penn's Charter, and Penn alone had the right of purchasing the same – that  near the end of the treaty the deponent well recollects to have heard Seguanathua, chief speaker, in a public speech      declare the same reasons as above said – for selling the land a second tome, which was publicly         interpreted by Sir William Johnson.”

            Col. Elizer Fitch, of Windham, was present in the Penn interest.  I am not able to learn whether this gentleman was the Governor of Connecticut, of that name, who, in 1761, had bounded that colony, west, by New York, or a relative.  If either, the fact may throw a ray of light on that transaction.

            The Rev. Mr. Kirkland, an Indian missionary, also deposeth -

                         “...That he attended the Treaty with the Five Nations, held at Fort Stanwix, in the year    1768, for several of the last days of the treaty, and that on his arrival on the ground, the Rev.           Jacob Johnson, then a missionary to the Oneida's, told the deponent that he had been       forbid[den] by Sir William Johnson to sit in Council with the Indians, and that Col. Butler, and   several others had given him the same information – that several Indian chiefs told the deponent, at that time, that they had sold the Susquehanna land to the Pennsylvanians, and that             they were finally induced to do it, by the council and advice of the Commissioners, urging that     the Connecticut people had done wrong in coming over the line in Pennsylvania, to buy land of        the Indians – that it was, however, not effected without great difficulty.  At the close of the         business, the Indians were called upon to execute the writings, which were not publicly read in           the English language, but one of the Mohock chiefs gave a brief statement of their general          purport in the Indian language; and the deponent further saith, that one of the Christian

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Indians, of the Oneida nation, by name, Theondintha, or Thomas, some months after said treaty, voluntarily and of his own mere motion, told the deponent that some undue influence had been made use of, at said treaty, respecting said land; that he, himself, namely, Thomas, had been the subject of this undue influence, and nine or ten more Indian chiefs were in the same predicament, and that he felt much troubled in his mind about it.”

            One of the fairest and ablest writers in favour of the Susquehanna company, observes: -

                        “Conscious that the purchase at Fort Stanwix was radically defective, they resolved to     make one more effort, to procure from the Indians a public disavowal of the Connecticut deed,         and an acknowledgment of their own.  In 1775 a treaty was held at Albany, with those Indians,            under the authority of Congress, by Messieurs Woolcot, Schuyler, Edwards, Francis and Dow,   to explain to them the causes of the American war.  Col. Francis was a Pennsylvanian, a        claimant of large tracts of the contested land, a leader of the opposition to the Connecticut     settlers, and a principal agent of Penn.  Notwithstanding, the Commissioners, by their      interpreter, had told the Indians that nothing was to be said or done at the treaty, concerning lands, yet Col. Francis, towards the close of it, sent for Tegohagwanda and two other     Onondago chiefs, to his lodgings at Mr. Bloodgood's, together with Thomas Fulmer, the        Interpreter employed by the Commissioners. 

                        “Mr. Fulmer, in his affidavit, swears, that after some preliminary conversation about the Susquehanna lands, 'Col. Francis said, did you not sell those lands to the Pennsylvanians, and receive a Beaver skin full of dollars for them?  To this one of the chiefs made answer, and said, no, we sold them to the Westernlonians (that is, Bostonians, the name by which the New       England provinces were called among the Five Nations) and we received the Beaver skin full of             dollars from them.  There was not any person present at this private meeting but Col. Francis,          this deponent, and the three Indian chiefs before named.  At the close of this meeting Col.             Francis enjoined it upon the Indians, and the deponent likewise, not to tell anyone that he had     said this to them about the Susquehanna lands.'

                        “The said Fulmer, in another place, swears further, concerning this interview, 'that they   smoked and discoursed together for some time, until the Indians appeared to this deponent to   be considerably in liquor, when Col. Francis told them Gov. Penn had requested his to ask the    Onondagos, who had first bought the lands called Wywamick, the said Gov. Penn, or the New England people?  that the said Indian chief thereupon answered, that he had heard, from his     uncle, that Gov. Penn had bought the lands of the east side of the Susquehanna, and that he did             not know whether the New England people had bought any lands or not.  The said Col. Francis             further asked the said Indian chief, if he did not know how many dollars Gov. Penn had paid at   Fort Stanwix, for said lands?  The said Indian answered that he had not seen all the money, yet    he heard that he paid 10,000 dollars. - That the said Col. Francis thereupon asked the said   Indian whether he would on the following day, in the public conference, when the other            business was done, declare the same in public, but not mention his name?  Which the said             Indian promised to do. - Whereupon Col. Francis told him, if he did that, he and Gov. Penn         would make a present to the Onondago Indians.  Which said discourse, at the request of Col.      Francis, was interpreted between them by this deponent.  That when the Indians left his          lodgings, he presented them with a bottle of rum.  And this deponent further saith, that on the     following day, in the public conference, the said Onondago chief made mention of the sale of    these lands; but this deponent hath understood from the other Indians that it was without their             knowledge.

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                        “The Rev. Mr. Kirkland, in his affidavit, respecting this speech or declaration of the          Indian chief, deposeth, that it was received with many marks of disapprobation and some          degree of resentment, expressed by many Indians, of the best character in said nation, saying it            was entirely foreign to the business of the treaty, and known beforehand only to a few             individuals, and several Indians soon told the deponent, that upon their complaining to their   chief speaker Tegohagwanda, and his chief Black Cap, of the impropriety of such a piece of             conduct, at that time, they replied that the Indians were not to blame – that it originated wholly    from the white people, and they were importuned and pressed hard to make the speech.  A few     hours after Thomas Fulmer, interpreter at said treaty, told the deponent that Col. Francis sent    for him to his lodgings, the evening before, and had a private conference with the Onondago       chiefs upon the subject, and prevailed upon them to make the speech.”

            Here closes the documentary evidence respecting those two adverse and conflicting Indian deeds, too important to be omitted; and which cannot fail  from the interesting facts disclosed, amply to repay a careful perusal.

            In addition, it is proper to say – that on the part of Pennsylvania, it is strenuously contended that the right of pre-emption before mentioned, granted by the Six Nations in 1736, of all lands within their charter, precluded them from selling, and making a valid conveyance to the Susquehanna Company.  So strongly was this pre-emption right relied on, that in the exhibition of claim at Trenton, it was alone mentioned, of her Indian grounds of claim – the subsequent deed of 1768 not being averted to.

            To this it is replied – that the Indians then, and long after, supposed the claim of Mr. Penn not to extend above the Blue Mountains in a direction towards Wyoming.

            On the part of Pennsylvania it was contended that Governor Dungan of New York, had obtained a pre-emption right to those lands, and sold the same to the Pennsylvania Proprietaries.

            That the descriptive part of the Susquehanna deed was written on an erasure.

            To this it was answered:  The alteration took place before signing, at the desire of the Indians; that it lessened, instead of increasing the boundaries.  That the deed was left by Col. Dyer in the hands of an agent in England, from whom it was, as is alleged, unfairly obtained by the opposite party, who had it in possession in Philadelphia in 1782, and could, and would have produced it at the Trenton trial, if it had been vitiated by interlineation [Editor's Note:  text insertion after-the-fact];  and that as they did not, the presumptions were all in favour of its fairness.

             Surprise having been expressed, that the Six Nations should so readily have made (or, if you please, permitted to be made in their name,) a deed for the contested territory, against the remonstrance of the Pennsylvania commissioners; and the still more powerful influence of urgent solicitations to sell them; we beg leave to advert to a suggestion previously made, viz: that the Pennsylvania Proprietaries were not favorites of the Six Nations, for the reason that they had declined to recognize the Delawares as their subjects, but had persisted in regarding them as an independent people, and as such making treaties, and purchasing lands of them.  Pride, jealousy, revenge, the strongest motives that sway the savage breast, would lead them to thwart the wishes, and counteract the policy of the Proprietaries, and throw themselves into the embrace of the subtle Yankees.

            The Six Nations being admitted by both parties to have been the original owners of the land, the public or a jury of the country will decide, which of the two deeds was valid, and conveyed the soil. That at Albany of July 11, 1754, to the Susquehanna Company, or that of November 5, 1768, at Fort Stanwix, to the Pennsylvania Proprietaries.  The reader will remember that, as a historian, meaning to be as impartial as early convictions, and long cherished prejudice will admit, I only claim, that there were such reasonable grounds to believe the Connecticut title just, as that very honest men might have given their assent thereto, and be justified in taking every legal means to assert and defend it, until the

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question could be legally adjudicated.

            The great trial at Trenton will be fully considered in due chronological order; when unimpeachable facts will be presented, leading to irresistible conclusions, which will create astonishment throughout both Connecticut and Pennsylvania.

NOTE (added by the author at the end of LETTER VIII). -

            The letter of Mr. Peters to Col. Johnson is entitled to special consideration.  Hendrick enters thoroughly into the wishes of the Proprietary Government.  He had been “Made a hearty friend.”  He would join with Col. Johnson, and support him in any measures which the government of Pennsylvania should advise, to get rid of the Connecticut deed.” 

            “Because there was no other way in the world to get rid of it, he was further desired to consider with you what will be the best method to procure the meeting of a council.”  What council?  Look back to Hendrick's speech, January 15, 1755.  “We agree with you that the deed should be destroyed.  We agree with you that it is a false proceeding.  We will give you assistance, but you know that we cannot destroy the deed ourselves.  That would be another mistake.  It would be to do as bad as they have done.  It must be the act of the Council of the Six Nations.'

            The remarks are too obvious to escape attention, and they weigh on the mind with too much force to be suppressed.  That if the deed had been fraudulent, if it had been without adequate consideration – if it had been agreed upon not “at any public council, but of little knots of unauthorized chiefs,”  no such difficulties would have been interposed themselves to its instant, indignant abjuration.

            It may be instructive as well as amusing to contrast the 2000 pounds paid by the Susquehanna Company, with the consideration paid the Indians for land below the mountains.

            The deed to William Penn, to which we in particular refer, was given in 1685, and ran thus: -

            “THIS INDENTURE WITNESSETH, THAT WE, Packenah, Jarckham, Sikals, Partequesott, Jervis, Essepenauk, Felktroy, Heckellappan, Econus, Machloha, Mettheonga, Wissa, Powey, Indian Kings, Sachemakers, right owners to all lands, from Quingquingus, called Duck Creek, unto Upland, called Chester Creek, all along the west side of Delaware river, and so between the creeks backwards as far as a man can ride in two days with a horse, and for consideration of these following goods to us in hand paid, and secured to be paid by William Penn, Proprietary and Governor of the province of Pennsylvania and territories thereof, viz:20 guns, 20 fathoms match-coat, 20 fathoms Stroudwater, 20 blankets, 20 kettles, 20 pounds powder, 100 bars of lead, 40 tomahawks, 100 knives, 40 pairs of stockings, 1 barrel of beer, 20 pounds red lead, 100 fathoms wampum, 30 glass bottles, 30 pewter spoons, 100 awl blades, 300 tobacco pipes, 100 hands of tobacco, 20 tobacco tongs, 20 steels, 300 flints, 30 pair of scissors, 30 combs, 60 looking glasses, 200 needles, one skipple of salt, 30 pounds sugar, 5 gallons molasses, 20 tobacco boxes, 100 jews harps, 20 hoes, 30 gimblets, 30 wooden screw boxes, 100 string of beads. - Do hereby acknowledge, etc., given under our hands, &c., at New Castle, second day of the eighth month, 1685.”